Americas Quarterly

vulnerable retirees while increasing domestic savings. This would not only benefit economic growth and national development on the macro level, but would also provide more money for individual retirees.

The general conclusion to be drawn from the work is that, despite good intentions, Mexico’s current pension system reinforces pre-existing social inequalities, with few of the benefits promised by a privatized system. Pension systems that com-

bine social and economic priorities list screeds in vogue across Latin should foster increases in productive America–perhaps the only glaring human capital, employment and omission. In Mexico and throughout social equality. As Juan Arancibia the world, political calculations often Córdova reminds us in the book’s determine the fate of pension-related final essay, “social security plays an proposals. Reforms will depend on important part in the construction of establishing a strong coalition of sup-a society…and strives to eliminate or porters across parties and interests. lessen inequalities while constructing solidarity.” Jorge Rafael Manzano holds a

The essays are clearly in favor master’s degree from the School of reforming the reforms, but no of International and Public space is given to politics and popu- Affairs at Columbia University.

claim is that indigenous populations are struggling to survive in and challenge a political and economic order that is aimed at “the re-colonization of (indigenous) bodies and minds.” With such rhetoric, the editors make their own politics clear—and the collection as a whole suffers from the lack of objective detachment.

An overarching theme is that societies are composed of good and bad actors. In the book’s Manichean world view, indigenous peoples and ethnic groups are at odds with inter- _Reviewed _by national financial institutions, states _SuSana _MoReiRaand various repressive groups. The

only concrete alternatives presented

After centuries of marginaliza- zil), Eugenia Rodríguez (Universidad to the present power structure are tion, indigenous peoples have Miguel Hernández de Elche, Spain) the Cuban, Bolivian and Venezuelan emerged as a potent political and Juan Carlos Gimeno (Universi- models. However, they do not explain force in Latin America. The most dad Autónoma de Madrid, Spain), it how or why these countries offer well-known examples are the recent attempts to provide fresh insight into attractive standards. election victories of Bolivia’s Evo the forces now shaping indigenous The authors gloss over nuances Moralesand Ecuador’s Rafael Correa, attitudes and identity around the within the indigenous movement. who have each placed indigenous region. However, relying on obsolete Internal divisions among actors—as rights and culture at the top of their arguments and academic jargon, the was the case with Ecuador’s Pacha-national agendas. But few outsiders compilation ends up being an out- kutik indigenous movement—are are aware of the cultural and politi- moded rehashing of ideologically not acknowledged, and examples cal ferment that lies behind this his- biased contentions—driven more by of cooperation between indigenous toric development. political agendas than by scientific groups and governments are ignored.

Neoliberalismo, ONGs y pueblos analysis. Instead, the relationship with the indígenas en América Latina (Neo- The anthology, comprising essays state is depicted as one of irreconcil-liberalism, NGOs and Indigenous submitted for a Barcelona anthropol- able differences. But this vision of People in Latin America) is an ambi- ogy conference in 2002, traces how society versus state is clearly at odds tious attempt to fill the gap. Edited by indigenous peoples grudgingly tried with situations like Bolivia where anthropologists Óscar Calavia (Univer- to adapt to the neoliberal economic indigenous movements hold power. sidad Federal de Santa Catarina, Bra- policies introduced in the 1980s. The Unless the reader has a back-