last economic slowdown, of 1998–2002, corroded support for the center-right which had dominated Latin
American politics in the 1990s. Unless governments
are able to devise effective policy responses, tougher
times are once again likely to make incumbents less
popular. This time it is the left that may pay the price
of incumbency.
But not everywhere. Take Chile. A few months
ago, the center-left Concertación coalition that has
governed since 1990 looked as if it was heading for
defeat at the hands of the conservative opposition.
But polls suggest Chileans value their government’s
counter-cyclical policies. And by anointing former
president Eduardo Frei, one of its most conservative
leaders, as its presidential candidate, the
Concertación is making an appeal to the middle
ground. Uruguay’s election later this
year similarly looks too close to call. In
Mexico, recession has ended President
Felipe Calderón’s hopes of winning a
majority in a midterm congressional
election in July. But it is the PRI, straddling the middle ground, rather than the divided left, that will
make big gains.
Looking further ahead, Brazil’s election of 2010 is
likely to see a contest bet ween Dilma Rousseff, Lula’s
chief of staff and chosen candidate, and Jose Serra,
the governor of São Paulo from the Party of Brazilian Social Democracy. With important nuances of
difference, both stand for the combination of orthodox economic policy and more active social policy
that has characterized Brazilian government since
the mid-1990s. In Colombia, the economic downturn and other difficulties appear to have ended any
lingering desires that Uribe nurtured of changing
the constitution and imitating Chávez in seeking a
third term. But he may still be strong
enough to play the role of the great broker in 2010.
So from here to the horizon, it
is hard to see anything other than a
strengthening of the pragmatic, reformist current that has been the dominant
trend in Latin America for the past
few years. This combines the stress on
markets, trade and private investment
of the Washington Consensus with a
more activist state, especially in poverty
reduction and in promoting innovation
and research and development.
Nevertheless, the global economic
turmoil will challenge some of the liberal assumptions of the past 25 years.
One of the biggest new threats to
Latin America is the tendency of foreign
banks to curb lending by their subsidiaries in the region. So it can no longer
be said that the nationality of banks is
unimportant. Stricter bank regulation
also seems likely: many Latin Americans learned this lesson the hard way
during the regional financial collapses
of the 1980s and 1990s.
In the past few months several governments have turned to state-owned
development banks as the best available instruments to boost credit and
EFE/AlFrEdo GuErrEro/PrEsidEnciA
Cushioning the blow:
President Felipe Calderón
signs a legislative initiative
to expand unemployment
benefits and housing
credits to the poor.