Venezuela and Uruguay are also
interested in nuclear power but
have a long way to go. Venezuelan
President Hugo Chávez has sought
nuclear cooperation from Brazil,
France, Iran, and Russia, but few
suppliers appear to be biting, perhaps because Venezuela’s plans are
not well defined. Meanwhile, Uruguay, which gets virtually all its
electricity from hydropower, has
mentioned nuclear power as a fu-
POLICY UPDATE
In the next 50 years, industry officials have reportedly suggested Brazil’s nuclear capacity could reach 60
GWe (Gigawatt electric) of nuclear
capacity. This would require building about 58 more plants—a tall order considering that construction
on the next reactor, Angra- 3, was delayed two years by environmental
concerns. Brazil now relies on hydropower for 92 percent of its electricity production. The idea, according to Francisco Rondinelli, head of
Brazil’s nuclear association, would
be to diversify at least 30 percent of
electricity generation equally into
nuclear energy, gas and biomass.
Three other Latin American
countries may seek to diversify
into nuclear power. Chile, which
uses hydropower and imported
natural gas, is considering nuclear
power to reduce supply vulner-abilities stemming from unpredictable rainfall and reliance on
uncertain neighbors—namely, Bolivia and Argentina. But the fact
that most of Chile sits on a geological fault line also presents a risk.
Even if seismic concerns are somehow overcome, Chile will still face
a daunting task in developing the
necessary physical and intellectual infrastructure.
Argentina’s ambitious
plans to build five more
reactors by 2023 could
double nuclear’s share of
electricity generation.
ture option, but national laws banning nuclear energy would need to
be overturned. Moreover, its withdrawal of plans for a natural gas
plant in 2005 because of the cost
($200 million) and time of construction ( 26 months) suggests that
a nuclear power reactor, which
costs upward of $6 billion and
takes at least four to five years to
construct, may not be in the cards.
Even without a spurt in nuclear
power generation, the expansion
of transmission grids between
countries could be one potential
solution to unpredictable energy
supplies. The proposed Central
American Electrical Interconnection System (SIEPAC) will connect
1,100 miles ( 1,770 kilometers) of
transmission lines between Central American countries and Mexico. The extension of natural gas
pipelines is also possible. And Brazil and Argentina have successfully
covered shortfalls by selling each
other electricity in off seasons.
Latin America is no exception
to a global trend that sees nuclear energy as clean, green and
homegrown. But like anywhere
else, new nuclear power plants
will require major political, financial and public support. The unknown variable now is the current
economic crisis. Its anticipated
dampening effect could provide
breathing room to develop the intellectual support and physical infrastructure required for nuclear
power. Or, it could extinguish the
nuclear enthusiasm that has been
growing for the past few years.
Sharon Squassoni is a senior
associate at the Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace.
ABORTION
Women’s Rights
ANÍBAL FAUNDES
Abortion in Latin America
presents an awkward paradox. The rate of abortion is
the world’s highest — 31 for every
1,000 women aged 15 to 45 years,
according to a 2007 World Health
Organization (WHO) report. Yet
abortion is illegal in most countries in Latin America. Even in
cases where it is permitted, legal
restrictions far outstrip those of
any other region.
The Catholic Church has been
a key player in the debate, but surprisingly its influence has been
mixed. In small countries the
church has been successful in helping to usher in far-reaching restrictions, while in the region’s most
populous countries—Colombia,
Mexico and Brazil—its influence
has not stopped more progressive
laws or their liberal interpretation.
A country’s choice of either lib-