erals essential to a number of Japanese industries.
Tensions throughout the region have continued to
grow. In Vietnam, protests flared for three months after
the Chinese cut the cables of a Vietnamese survey ship in
May 2011. China’s neighbors, including Vietnam, Japan,
India, Australia, and the Philippines, have responded to
this more assertive China by banding together—forging
a set of new alliances and fortifying old ones.
While China and the ASEAN members met in Indonesia in July 2011 and made some progress in tamping
down the tensions, little progress has been made in resolving the dispute. At that same meeting, Philippines
Foreign Secretary Alberto del Rosario called Chinese
claims over the entire South China Sea “baseless and
a potential threat” and argued that they would be “
rejected by an international court.”
15
Moreover, state-run Chinese media continue to fan
nationalist flames. The Global Times published an editorial that received widespread coverage in China and
abroad, arguing that “countries such as the Philippines
and Vietnam believe China has been under various pressures. They think it is a good time for them to take advantage of this and force China to give away its interests
[...] If these countries don’t want to change their ways
with China, they will need to prepare for the sounds of
cannons. We need to be ready for that, as it may be the
only way for the disputes in the sea to be resolved.”
16
MODEL AT HOME, MODEL ABROAD
As China seeks to define its new place in the global system, its greatest challenge may well be its own system of governance. Just as many Chinesebelieve their current economic model has run its course and now seek to develop an economy based on innovation and creativity, many also think China’s foreign policy model is
outmoded and must evolve to confront new challenges.
Change is unlikely to come easily. An interview in
August 2011 with Vice Foreign Minister Fu Ying in the
German newspaper Der Spiegel suggests the challenge
ahead. In answer to a comment that “The West perceives a lack of transparency and rule of law in the Chinese model,” Fu retorted, “I think at the moment it is
the Western governments that are having problems. We
are observing what is going on in the West. We try to
understand why so many governments made so many
mistakes. Why do political parties make commitments
they cannot fulfill? Why do they spend so much more
than they have? Has the West been stagnating since the
AMERICASQUARTERLY.ORG
STUDYING ABROAD
IN CHINA
Rachel Glickhouse
According to the Institute of International Education,
nearly 14,000 U.S.
university students
studied in China
during the 2009–2010
school year. Latin
American students are
increasingly following
the same path, but
compared to the U.S.,
the numbers are still
small. According to
the Chinese Ministry
of Education, of
the 55,251 foreign
students matriculated
in Chinese universities
in 2010, only 771 were
from South America,
compared to 6,065
from North America.
Explanations include
high costs, red tape
to secure a visa and
challenging entry
requirements. Some
Chinese government
scholarships for
Latin Americans,
for instance, require
students to pass
a difficult Chinese
language test.
In the U.S., sending students to China
has become a national
priority with bilateral
support. In November 2009, President
Barack Obama announced the 100,000
Strong Initiative to
send 100,000 Amer-
ican high school and
university students
to China. After Sec-
retary of State Hill-
ary Clinton launched
the program—which
relies entirely on pri-
vate-sector funding—
in May 2010, China’s
Ministry of Educa-
tion offered 10,000
full scholarships to
American students for
study abroad. A year
later, the Chinese gov-
ernment promised
an additional 10,000
scholarships—the
hope in both cases is
to support Chinese
language studies in
the U.S. to improve bi-
lateral relations. The
20,000 slots not only
provide opportunities
for short- and long-
term study for under-
graduate and graduate
students, but also
short-term exchanges
for high school stu-
dents, teachers and
school administrators.
Carola McGiffert,
director of the
100,000 Strong Initiative, says the program
is vital for diplomacy:
“The U.S.–China relationship is perhaps
the most important bilateral relationship we
have, and it will only
grow over the years.”
She also stressed the
economic imperative
for familiarity with
Chinese language and
culture. “We need to
make sure young
people are equipped
to succeed in the
global economy.” Now
they just need to learn
the language.
57 Americas Quarterly WINTER 2012