nológica e de Comércio Exterior (
Industrial, Technological and Foreign
Trade Policy—PI TCE) in November
2003. After 25 years without an official industrial policy, the PI TCE
was recreated to stimulate innovation in Brazilian companies.
Unlike the development plans
of the 1950s and 1970s, the PI TCE
was based on the concept of “
competitive international insertion”
of Brazilian industry. It created
mechanisms to foster the competitiveness of certain industries and
services so that they could then enter the global market. With a focus
on innovation and export policies,
it preserved the “relative liberalism”
and multilateralism in trade policy
introduced in the 1990s.
Shortly after ward, the Lula administration expanded the initiative
in a policy to stimulate technology
and basic industries. In May 2008, it
launched the Política de Desenvolvi-mento Produtivo (PDP, or Production
Development Policy). Administered
by the Brazilian Development Bank
(BNDES in its Portuguese acronym),
the PDP seeks to position Brazilian
companies, particularly in the mining, steel, aviation, and biofuels sectors, to become global leaders.
This state-led policy was in large
part a response to the appreciation
of the real. Combined with tax, logistical, bureaucratic, and educational challenges (the so-called
“Brazil cost”), the real’s rise relative
to international currencies undercut the competitiveness of Brazil’s
industrial and service sectors, especially relative to China. The international crisis that hit the markets in
2008 deepened this change.
In her first year in office, President Dilma Rousseff quickened the
pace of inward-looking industrial
policy. In the wake of the economic
crisis, as a number of countries
threw up protectionist barriers to
trade and Brazil’s currency continued to climb, fear began to mount
of Brazilian deindustrialization.
The most pronounced step came
in September 2011 when the Brazilian government imposed a 30 per-
AMERICASQUARTERLY.ORG
cent increase in the IPI (imposto
sobre produtos industrializados, or
industrialized products tax) for vehicles with less than 65 percent of
their value added originating in
Brazil, MERCOSUR countries or
Mexico. The policy, which is in effect through the end of 2012, disregards World Trade Organization
rules and demonstrated a shift in
Brazil’s rhetoric away from multilateralism toward its own development agenda. The goal of the
temporary IPI increase is to boost
the internal market for manufactured goods and promote investment in technology and innovation.
The IPI was the first and most
visible shot across the bow of the
larger Brasil Maior (Bigger Brazil) policy launched in August 2011,
shortly after the largest drop in in-
In her first year in
office, President Dilma
Rousseff quickened the
pace of inward-looking
industrial policy.
dustrial output since 2008. In the
plan, Rousseff announced the government’s intention to apply a series of defensive trade mechanisms
(antidumping, safeguards and countervailing measures) to curb the
flood of cheap imported goods that
came mostly from Asia.
Beyond a more protectionist
trade policy, the Rousseff government is also increasing the role of
the Brazilian state in the economy,
another tool of an industrial development plan. The best indication of
the state’s increased activity in picking and promoting winners is the
recent activity of the BNDES. Since
2000, its loan disbursements have
increased from 23. 4 billion reais per
year to 168.4 billion reais in 2010. Not
coincidentally, the biggest one-year
jump in BNDES disbursements ( 45. 1
billion reais) came between 2008
and 2009—the year following the
onset of the global economic crisis.
These disbursements have allowed the BNDES to support and
prop up national companies. At the
same time, state-owned enterprises
have recently played a greater role
in the Brazilian economy. Their investments have jumped from 1 percent of GDP in 2004 to 2. 2 percent
in 2010. By 2015, estimates forecast
that investments by the government and state enterprises will account for 4 percent of Brazil’s GDP.
POLICY UPDATE
With a growing state presence,
government procurement becomes
extremely important for local industries. To favor Brazilian bidders, the government approved Law
12.349 in 2010, which establishes
preference margins of up to 25 percent for domestic suppliers in government procurement, in effect
limiting outside competitition.
But the return to ISI is not limited to trade. Similar to decades ago,
the Brazilian government, through
BNDES and Research and Projects Financing (FINEP in its Portuguese acronym), is actively seeking
to appropriate (nationalize) international technology for its own development. The idea is, rather than
invest in local efforts at innovation
in key industries, to buy technology
on the international markets as a
way to make the leap into the technology product cycle.
In Brazil, the apparent move toward thinly veiled protectionist
policies in trade, industry and technology is occurring at an exceptional time in the world economy.
The extent to which some of the
more heavy-handed policies—like
the IPI—will be continued or are
only the first step in a more aggressive ISI-like policy remains to be
seen. In the meantime, there is little doubt that the economic crisis
and the overvaluation of the currency have triggered greater protectionist tendencies.
Ricardo Camargo Mendes is
a partner at Prospectiva Consulting in São Paulo, Brazil.
127 Americas Quarterly WINTER 2012