duction facilities. Corridor programs
generally involve the development or
improvement of transportation infrastructure, coordination of trade facilitation activities, harmonization
of logistics, and the development of
related urban areas.
Figure 4 shows a number of regional trade arrangements (RTAs) in
Asia and Latin America, their associated share of world trade (the proportion of that country’s exports plus
imports in world exports) and intraregional trade (the amount that the
member countries trade with one another) as a percentage of the RTA’s total trade with the world.
In Asia, intraregional trade is becoming increasingly important,
largely geared toward the growing
Chinese market. From 1990 to 2010
intraregional trade’s importance in
total trade has grown from 18 to 26
percent for the ASEAN grouping and
from 31 to 40 percent for the ASEAN+ 3,
an agreement that adds the economies of China, Japan and South Korea to ASEAN.
The IDB estimates that Latin American intraregional trade has only
reached 50 percent of its full potential. This shortfall is attributable at
least in part to deficiencies in infrastructure investment (“hard infrastructure”) as well as trade facilitation
(“soft infrastructure”). In its report
on transportation costs in the region, “Unclogging the Arteries,” the
IDB states that Latin American countries spend on average t wice as much
as the U.S. to import goods.
8 If Latin
America wants to compete with Asia
in an increasingly integrated world
market, it needs to address the infrastructure needs that are limiting
its potential.
The most remarkable difference
between the model of economic integration across the region is the
countries’ growth rates [See Figure
5]. Most Asian countries have demon-
strated strong growth performance
in the past decade, with the average
annual GDP growth rate for ASEAN
in the past decade a remarkable 6
percent. In contrast, South Ameri-
ca’s nearly 4 percent growth and Me-
soamerica’s 3. 5 percent, though high
for the region, look anemic.
Another difference stands out:
the high levels of public investment
among Asian countries [See Figure
5]. ASEAN governments plus China, Ja-
pan and South Korea devoted on aver-
age 26. 1 percent of GDP to investment
and South Asia 29 percent, whereas
South America averages only 19. 9 per-
cent and Mesoamerica, 22. 8 percent.
Those higher levels of general public investment translate into higher
levels of public infrastructure investment. Several East Asian countries invest more than 7 percent of GDP in
infrastructure, according to the ADB.
In contrast, an IDB study by Eduardo
Lora and another by the World Bank
place Latin American countries’ infrastructure investment at closer to 1 to
3 percent of GDP.
9 As a recent World
Bank publication pointed out, the region needs a 4- to 6-percent increase in
annual infrastructure investment if it
is to catch up or keep up with South
Korea or China.
These differences in investment
manifest themselves in terms of the
state of countries’ infrastructure [Fig-ure 1]. In Asia, Malaysia and Thailand
have built up internationally competitive infrastructure networks, as
has Panama, with its canal, in Latin
America. Other countries’ infrastructure is less developed, but East Asian
integration is helping move for ward
the infrastructure underpinnings
for economic growth better than in
other regions.
10
SEEDING CROSS-
NATIONAL NETWORKS
A look at what is going on in East Asia
reveals a wide network of robust cooperation in infrastructure initiatives.
For reasons of space, only transporta-
tion initiatives are detailed here; most
of the listed initiatives also have proj-
ects on connectivity and other trans-
border infrastructure initiatives. One
key constant in these initiatives is the
role of the ADB and the richer econ-
omies, which help fund many infra-
structure projects [See Figure 6].
In a major study on regional infra-
structure, “Infrastructure for a Seam-
less Asia,” the ADB staked out Asia’s
important role in the international
economy: “It is the world’s factory, its
biggest saver, and an emerging giant
in outsourced services.”
11 Key to this
role, it wrote, is infrastructure: “Physi-
cal connectivity is crucial to support
complementarities in the production
processes across the entire region.”
Asia now faces a second-order
challenge: shifting from the concen-
tration of infrastructure along the
thriving maritime corridor to pull
more remote regions from economic
isolation into Asia’s buzz of economic
activity. Doing so is necessary to fur-
ther bolster the regional market and
its ties to the global economy.
12
Figure 7 sets out the main Latin
American regional transport infra-
structure initiatives. One of the two
projects is the Iniciativa para la Inte-
gración de la Infraestructura Regional
Suramericana (IIRSA), launched in
2000 and covering the 12 South Amer-
ican countries. Three major regional
development banks are cooperating
in financial and analytical assistance.
In Mesoamerica the Corredor Pacífico del Proyecto Mesoamerica (MP)
replaced Plan Puebla Panama. This
project, largely supported by the IDB,
has galvanized cooperation among
Central American countries and Mexico in building roads, coordinating
the electrical grid and cooperating
on this type of soft infrastructure.
It has also been given a boost by the
strong demand from East Asia. Central America’s Pacific infrastructure
is relatively more developed than its
Atlantic side. In the past this has been
a disadvantage; the new realities of
Asian demand are pushing for greater
development of this Pacific corridor.
WHAT HAVE WE
LEARNED?
Asia and Latin America are both
currently working to bolster the
infrastructure that undergirds inter-
40 Americas Quarterly WINTER 2012
AMERICASQUARTERLY.ORG